In 1992 Charles Van Doren authored a
book that was as captivating as it was daunting in its scope: A
History of Knowledge. I believe his
work sheds light on the massacre at the Charlie Hebdo office in Paris on
January 7, 2015.
Van Doren affirmed that after the
fall of Rome (476 A.D.), the men and women of Europe turned over their
individual moral responsibilities to the pope and his priests for the next
thousand years. The parishioners’ moral
decisions were directed not by their own intuitive sense, but by the sacred
word of the church.
All that changed on October 31, 1517
when Martin Luther nailed his Ninety-five Theses to the front door of the All
Saints’ Church in Wittenberg, Germany. Paramount
among those theses was the assertion that man’s salvation was not granted by
the intercession of priests, but by one’s individual faith. As you can imagine, such outrageous temerity
was not celebrated by the Catholic Church; Luther was summarily accused of
heresy and excommunicated by the pope.
There were many philosophers and
artists who introduced the Renaissance to Europe—Giovanni Boccaccio, Leonardo
da Vinci, William Shakespeare—but perhaps Martin Luther was the most
influential of them all. With Luther’s
reformation (along with Gutenberg’s invention of the printing press and the
publication of the bible) the citizens of Europe placed their salvation in
their own hands. They turned their backs
on theocracy, the rule of God, and replaced it with a secular state based on a
foundation of self-reliance, which—with a few exceptions—is the philosophy western
nations adopt to this today.
The greatest exception to secular
governance has been witnessed in the Moslem world. Consider
Iran. In 1979 the shah of Iran, Mohammad
Reza Pahlavi, was overthrown by Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini. Khomeini dominated the new government until
his death in 1989. His rule was a
theocracy and his word was the word of God.
A religious despot wields enormous
power, especially if the citizens have embraced the leader as their spiritual
guide. The war between Iran and Iraq
(1980-1988) was a suicidal tragedy that resulted—by some estimates—in the death
of over a million soldiers and civilians.
The ayatollah declared that Iranian casualties, many of them teenagers,
died for God and would be received in paradise—and his followers believed it.
There have been other theocratic
despots. Ironically, Martin Luther
himself taught that non-believers could be killed—a conviction that kindled a
bloodbath of religious wars and (a measure of the Catholic counter-reformation)
inquisitions for 200 years. As recently
as 1978 we saw another venerate church leader, Jim Jones, convince 900 of his
followers to commit suicide in Jamestown, Guyana.
And today the modern world is shrouded
by a pall of jihadists who are ready to slay non-believers in the name of God. It is no wonder that western democratic nations
are often their targets: Democracy is,
after all, the anathema to theocracy.
Of course, the history of the world
has not been limited to religious
despots. Hitler, Stalin, and Mussolini
were all atheists. However, although
their reigns of terror were grotesquely horrific, their legacies were relatively
short-lived—the death of each ruler signaling the end of his order. In contrast, theocracies—leveraged as God’s sacred
authority—seem to have a life of their own, the autocratic leadership being
passed from one true believer to the next.
With this dark history in mind, I,
like many modern thinkers, have become an implacable advocate of the underlying
precept of the Renaissance: To be self-reliant
and take responsibility for our own salvation.
As soon as we hand over our autonomy to the whims of clerical despots or
theocracies—at any level, from an individual to a church to a nation—we are
inviting a single flawed human being to control our destiny. And that proposition is paralyzing to free
will and, consequently, dangerous as hell.
When the terrorists stormed out of
the Charlie Hebdo office they shouted, “We avenged the prophet Muhammad.” They could just as well have bellowed, “We
take no moral responsibility for our actions.
Morality is the domain of the prophet.”
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